Friday, May 3, 2024
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UN Condemns Iran regime’s Human Rights Violations

UN Condemns Iran regime's Human Rights Violations
UN Condemns Iran regime's Human Rights Violations

On Wednesday, the Spokesperson for the UN Secretary-General addressed recent news from Iran, stating strong opposition to the death penalty in all cases, including that of Toomaj Salehi. He also emphasized the need to address the reported murder ofNika Shakarami.

Stéphane Dujarric, the Spokesperson, responded to a BBC World report alleging Nika Shakarami’s killing by Iranian regime forces during the 2022 protests. He described the report as “extremely troubling” and highlighted the Secretary-General’s repeated concerns about human rights violations in Iran. He further emphasized the role of the UN Special Rapporteur on Iran and other relevant human rights mechanisms, suggesting that the BBC’s findings be submitted for investigation.

Regarding the reported death sentence against protest singer Toomaj Salehi, the spokesperson reiterated the UN’s consistent opposition to capital punishment. He expressed hope that the sentence would not be carried out and acknowledged that these concerns had been regularly raised with Iranian authorities.

Last week’s statement by Salehi’s lawyer regarding his death sentence sparked global outrage against the verdict issued by the Isfahan Revolutionary Court.

Amir Raisian, the lawyer, stated on Saturday: “Despite being included in the 2022 amnesty, Toomaj Salehi was not pardoned but instead sentenced to death.”

Outrage continues following the publication of documents alleging Nika Shakrami’s sexual assault and murder by Iranian regime agents during the 2022 protests. The regime’s judiciary has responded by filing charges against journalists who reported on the teenager’s death based on these documents.

Social media users have widely praised Nika Shakarami’s courage and resilience, highlighting that the 16-year-old bravely stood her ground even in her final moments. While the perpetrators remain free, many believe they will face justice eventually.

BBC World reported on Monday that it had obtained “highly confidential” documents detailing Nika Shakarami’s interrogation by IRGC forces. These documents reportedly identify her killers and senior commanders who attempted to conceal the truth.

Following the report’s publication, social media users expressed shock and outrage at the manner of Nika Shakarami’s death, commending her courage and resilience until the very end.

Iranian Regime Threatens Execution of Protester Reza Rasaei

Iranian Regime Threatens Execution of Protester Reza Rasaei
Iranian Regime Threatens Execution of Protester Reza Rasaei

Amnesty International has issued an urgent warning about the imminent execution of Reza (Gholamreza) Rasaei, a 34-year-old protester sentenced to death by the Iranian regime. They demand an immediate halt to the execution.

Amnesty describes the trial of Rasaei, a Kurdish Yarsani, as “severely unfair.” They allege his death sentence was based on “forced confessions obtained under torture and ill-treatment.”

On May 1st, Amnesty International wrote to the head of the regime’s judiciary, Gholam-Hossein Mohseni-Eje’i, demanding:

  • Immediate halt to Reza Rasaei’s execution
  • Dismissal of all charges
  • Release of Reza Rasaei

Multiple human rights organizations raise “numerous doubts” about the case and the death sentence, citing “the judge’s knowledge” as justification.

Amnesty reports that Rasaei, detained during the 2022 nationwide protests, was subjected to “enforced disappearance” for the first four months of his imprisonment. These protests erupted following the death of Mahsa Amini in the custody of the regime’s morality police.

During his detention, Rasaei allegedly endured torture including “beating,” “electric shock,” “suffocation,” “sexual violence,” and solitary confinement.

Arrested in Sahneh city, Kermanshah province, Rasaei was sentenced to death for the alleged murder of Nader Birami, the city’s intelligence chief. The sentence was upheld by the regime’s Supreme Court. Rasaei maintains his innocence.

Amnesty warned of the execution risk in February after the Supreme Court rejected Rasaei’s appeal. A source close to his family told Dadban:

  • “The risk of executing this prisoner’s death sentence has greatly increased in the coming days.”
  • “Article 477 objection has been registered for months, but no response is given.”
  • “The victim’s family is not seeking revenge and doubts Rasaei’s guilt. However, they have no say and are referred to the IRGC.”

Human rights groups and activists have consistently warned about the potential execution of political prisoners like Rasaei, Mojahed Korkur, Habib Driis, Abbas Driis, and recently, imprisoned rapper Tomaj Salehi.

The Iranian Resistance demands the suspension and cancellation of Rasaei’s and other political prisoners’ death sentences, urging the international community to adopt a “decisive and stable policy” to stop executions in Iran.

Since February, political prisoners have participated in “Black Tuesdays,” a hunger strike held every Tuesday in protest against the wave of executions. Despite international and domestic condemnation, the regime continues to execute prisoners.

Guilty Pleas in Illegal Money Transfer Scheme to Iran

Guilty Pleas in Illegal Money Transfer Scheme to Iran
Guilty Pleas in Illegal Money Transfer Scheme to Iran

In a recent development, Muzzamil Zaidi and Asim Mujtaba Naqvi, both residents of Houston, Texas, have pleaded guilty to charges related to an illegal scheme to transfer funds from the United States to Iran. The case sheds light on the consequences of attempting to circumvent U.S. sanctions and highlights the ongoing efforts to combat illicit financial activities.

Details of the Scheme:

Court documents reveal that the scheme began in December 2018 when Zaidi obtained permission to collect khums, a religious tax on wealth, on behalf of several Imams. Over the following year, Zaidi and Naqvi collected payments of this tax, as well as donations purportedly intended to aid victims of the civil war in Yemen, from individuals across the United States.

Rather than using these funds for their stated purposes, Zaidi and Naqvi arranged for their transfer to the Iranian regime, where they were intended for the Office of the regime’s Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei. To evade law enforcement scrutiny, the duo enlisted the help of friends, family members, and associates to carry the cash out of the United States in amounts less than $10,000.

One such transfer involved 25 travelers going on a religious pilgrimage in Iraq, who then hand-carried the U.S. dollars to Iran. However, their actions were in direct violation of U.S. economic sanctions imposed on Iran since 1995, which were further intensified with sanctions targeting the Supreme Leader in June 2019.

Legal Consequences:

Both Zaidi and Naqvi were arrested in Houston on August 18, 2020, as authorities uncovered their illegal activities. They have since pleaded guilty to conspiracy and violations of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) before U.S. District Judge Tanya S. Chutkan. Zaidi’s sentencing is scheduled for August 13, while Naqvi’s is set for October 1.

Investigation and Prosecution:

The investigation into this case was led by the FBI Washington Field Office and the FBI Houston Counterterrorism team, with valuable assistance from FBI Field Offices in Dallas, Chicago, and Detroit. Prosecution of the case is being handled by Assistant U.S. Attorneys Jolie Zimmerman, Erik Kenerson, and Maeghan Mikorski for the District of Columbia, along with Trial Attorneys Adam Small and Derek Shugert of the National Security Division’s Counterintelligence and Export Control Section, and Jennifer Levy of the Counterterrorism Section.

Conclusion:

The guilty pleas of Zaidi and Naqvi underscore the seriousness of violating U.S. sanctions and attempting to funnel funds to sanctioned entities. This case serves as a reminder of the Department of Justice’s commitment to enforcing sanctions and protecting national security interests. Such actions not only undermine the integrity of the financial system but also pose a threat to global efforts to combat terrorism.

Empty Streets, Empty Shops: Iran’s Morality Police Drive Away Customers

Empty Streets, Empty Shops: Iran's Morality Police Drive Away Customers
Empty Streets, Empty Shops: Iran's Morality Police Drive Away Customers

The return of the morality police under the guise of the Noor Project has intensified pressure on Iranian women, once again raising concerns about the violation of personal and social freedoms for half the population, particularly those who don’t wear the mandatory hijab. This concern, according to Etemad newspaper, is also impacting businesses.

A recent field report by Etemad in Tehran reveals the dissatisfaction of shopkeepers who have witnessed a significant decline in customers, especially women, since the return of the morality police patrols.

One shopkeeper stated, “People are changing their routes to avoid encountering the morality police. We constantly worry that they might seal our shops if they stop nearby.”

While the overall economic situation plays a role in market decline, shopkeepers emphasize that “the presence of morality police patrols on the streets and the fear of being sealed or arrested by both sellers and customers” has significantly reduced sales, making the situation worse than before.

Another shopkeeper explained, “I can’t force people who don’t believe in the hijab.” He criticized the economic conditions, stating, “The economy is already bad, and these events have worsened it, reducing our sales by 20-30%.”

An elderly wholesaler shared that the head of the clothing union asked him to “not allow unveiled women into the shop.” This 63-year-old businessman finds this request “unbecoming of his dignity, morals, and actions. They expect the impossible.”

Many sellers reported to Etemad that “our customer base has dropped by 60%. No one dares to come this way. When a customer tries to cross here, they are followed by a motorbike and van, caught, and taken away.”

Since March 20, the regime, fearing new uprisings, has re-enforced the mandatory hijab law through its morality police. Reports detail the violence employed by officers in the new round of confrontations to enforce the hijab, including arresting women who don’t comply, and sealing medical centers, entertainment venues, and restaurants.

This action by the regime’s police has been widely condemned on social media. Some media outlets have pointed out that the so-called “Chasity and Hijab” bill is not yet law and lacks legal basis for enforcement.

Dozens of lawyers issued a statement condemning the “violent clashes” between the morality police and women who oppose the mandatory hijab. They consider the regime’s continued policies in this matter “illegal and a violation of public freedoms.”

The statement, signed by 61 lawyers, lists the “right to freedom, choosing one’s clothing, and immunity from assault” as fundamental demands of women. The return of the morality police and the initiation of a new era of “coercive policies” against women are described as a “historical regression.”

Iran’s Teacher Salaries Compared to Other Countries

Iran's Teacher Salaries Compared to Other Countries
Iran's Teacher Salaries Compared to Other Countries

An investigation by the Iran Open Data Website revealed a stark disparity between Iranian teacher salaries and those of other countries.

In 2024, the minimum monthly wage for Iranian teachers stands at ten million tomans, roughly equivalent to 159 US dollars based on the average April exchange rate in the open market.

Both Iran and its western neighbor, Turkey, have faced economic turmoil in recent years, landing them among the top ten countries with the highest inflation rates in 2023. However, Turkish primary school teachers reportedly saw their monthly salaries rise to 39,781 liras, which translates to 1223 US dollars based on the current exchange rate.

Comparing Iran’s minimum annual teacher salary to countries with stable economies reveals a significant gap. Assuming a constant dollar price of 63,000 tomans until year-end, an Iranian teacher’s annual salary would not exceed 1908 dollars.

Data from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development shows that annual salaries for primary school teachers without work experience in stable economies typically range between 14,000 and 70,000 dollars, representing a difference of 7 to 35 times the Iranian figure.

For years, Iranian teacher organizations have advocated for increased salaries and improved benefits for educators and retirees, as well as free education. While the regime claimed to implement a ranking law in 2022 that raised official teacher salaries, the Coordinating Council of Trade Union Organizations of Iranian Teachers and other groups contest its execution and report the exclusion of certain union activists.

On May 1st, education expert Mohammad Reza Niknejad emphasized that even doubling teacher salaries from 15 million tomans to 30 million tomans wouldn’t solve the underlying problems in education. He stressed that “providing a livelihood and improving teacher dignity is a necessary but not sufficient condition.” He further stated that these necessary conditions remain unfulfilled, and until teachers’ financial well-being is addressed, their dignity and the quality of education will continue to suffer.

Highlighting the global efforts to secure teacher livelihoods, Niknejad pointed out that “teachers’ salaries worldwide are typically enough to manage a normal life.” He cited examples like New Zealand, where teachers earn an annual salary of 90,000 dollars, the US with an average of 44,000 dollars, and Finland with nearly 40,000 dollars per year.

International Workers’ Day in Iran: A History of Struggle and Oppression

International Workers' Day in Iran: A History of Struggle and Oppression
International Workers' Day in Iran: A History of Struggle and Oppression

Every year on May 1st, the world observes International Workers’ Day, commemorating the historic struggles of the working class. This day holds particular significance in Iran, where the fight for workers’ rights has been marked by both triumphs and brutal repression.

The roots of this struggle can be traced back to the global labor movement of the 19th century. On May 1, 1886, over 400,000 American workers went on strike demanding an eight-hour workday, a significant reduction from the grueling 14-hour shifts they were forced to endure.

This strike, tragically, culminated in violence when police fired upon the workers, leading to the deaths of five and injuries to many others.

However, the workers’ sacrifice was not in vain. The subsequent mass protests and widespread support eventually led to nearly 500,000 workers securing the eight-hour workday, marking a victory for the labor movement.

Three years later, in 1889, the International Socialist Congress in Paris established May 1st as International Workers’ Day, a day to celebrate the achievements of the working class and advocate for their rights across the globe.

In Iran, the first observance of May 1st took place in 1920. During the reign of the former monarchy, these celebrations were often held in secrecy due to government restrictions.

Following the fall of Reza Shah, public demonstrations on May 1st became more frequent, with historical records documenting significant gatherings in 1945 and 1946.

In 1952, Dr. Mosadeq officially declared May 1st as Labor Day, recognizing its importance. However, after the 1953 coup d’état, celebrations were once again forced underground.

The Shah subsequently replaced May 1st with his father’s birthday, March 15th, as Labor Day. However, the rising student movement, both within and outside Iran, pressured the Shah to revert to May 1st, which remains the official Labor Day to this day.

Despite the recognition of May 1st as Labor Day, the history of Iranian workers is marred by violent crackdowns on their attempts to exercise their rights.

The 1946 attack on the Kermanshah demonstration, resulting in 14 deaths and 120 injuries, stands as a grim reminder of the state’s brutality towards labor activism.

Similarly, the 1946 nationwide strike of 100,000 oil workers demanding political reforms was met with violence and suppression, leaving 46 dead and 170 injured.

The Shah’s regime continued to oppress workers throughout his rule. Strikes like the furnace workers’ strike in 1959 and the Jahanchit workers’ strike in 1971, both demanding better wages and working conditions, were brutally crushed, resulting in numerous casualties.

In the final years of the Shah’s rule, the regime even used the May 1st celebrations to propagate propaganda, praising the Shah’s supposed service to the workers, further alienating the working class.

However, the oil industry workers’ strike of 1979 proved to be a turning point. By disrupting oil exports, this strike dealt a significant blow to the Shah’s regime, ultimately contributing to its downfall.

Following the 1979 revolution, Iranian workers initially hoped for a new era of respect for their rights.

The People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran organized the first post-revolution Labor Day ceremony in Karaj to honor the Jahanchit workers killed by the Shah’s forces. However, these early hopes were soon dashed.

Despite the recognition of May 1st, the current regime, the Velayat-e Faqih, has consistently failed to uphold the rights of workers.

Throughout its nearly 44 years in power, the regime has responded to labor protests with dismissals, beatings, arrests, and imprisonments.

Despite this repression, the Iranian working class has continued to fight for their rights. Strong strikes and protests by workers in various sectors, including HEPCO, Ahvaz Steel, and the Haft Tapeh sugarcane workers, demonstrate their unwavering resolve.

The sheer volume and intensity of labor protests in Iran stand as a testament to the systematic oppression faced by the working class under the Velayat-e Faqih system.

As we approach International Workers’ Day 2024, the situation in Iran remains dire. The mullahs have blatantly disregarded even their own labor laws, as evidenced by the recent announcement of the minimum wage for 2024, which falls far short of the actual cost of living.

This blatant disregard for workers’ well-being has further fueled anger and protests, highlighting the immense gap between the regime’s rhetoric and its actions.

The Iranian workers’ story on the eve of International Workers’ Day is one of continuous struggle against exploitation and oppression.

Their fight for basic rights, including fair wages, safe working conditions, and freedom from state-sanctioned violence, continues to be a beacon of hope for a better future.

Iran’s Financial Tightrope Walk: Soaring Debt and Reliance on High Oil Prices

Iran's Financial Tightrope Walk: Soaring Debt and Reliance on High Oil Prices
Iran's Financial Tightrope Walk: Soaring Debt and Reliance on High Oil Prices

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) paints a concerning picture of Iran’s economic outlook in its latest report, “Regional Economic Outlook: Middle East and Central Asia.” Their analysis highlights the precarious situation the Iranian government faces due to a significant budget deficit and mounting debt.

According to the IMF, Iran needs a global oil price exceeding $121 per barrel to avoid a budget deficit in 2024. This threshold stands in stark contrast to the current reality, with Brent oil, a benchmark even more expensive than Iranian oil, trading below $90. The IMF further predicts the average price of Brent oil to remain below $79 this year.

Complicating matters further, the IMF report does not factor in the discounts Iran offers to Chinese refineries, which according to Reuters, amount to roughly $13 per barrel.

While Iran’s daily oil production saw a significant increase of 500,000 barrels last year, reaching 1.3 million barrels, the IMF expects this growth to stagnate. Their forecast suggests only a 100,000-barrel increase in daily oil production for 2024.

The IMF also predicts a substantial rise in government and subsidiary debt, exceeding $118 billion this year, which represents more than a quarter of Iran’s entire economy. This figure marks an increase of over $4 billion compared to 2023.

Iran’s Nimai-dollar rate (Integrated currency trading system) serves as the IMF’s standard for calculating Iran’s economic indicators in dollars, with some data sourced directly from the Iranian government.

Earlier reports from the Central Bank of Iran (CBI) echoed the IMF’s concerns, revealing a staggering 56% increase in government and state-owned company debt to the country’s banking system in 2023, reaching 1,310 trillion tomans.

However, government debt to banks represents only a fraction of the total burden. The National Development Fund holds the largest share of government debt, exceeding $100 billion according to the Fund’s own report. Furthermore, the report acknowledges the government’s inability to settle these debts.

This substantial budget deficit has forced the Iranian government to rely heavily on fiat money printing by the central bank to borrow from domestic banks and financial institutions. This has led to a significant surge in liquidity within the country. The IMF estimates a 35% jump in liquidity over the past year, with a further 33% increase projected for 2024.

Such an exponential rise in liquidity has triggered a chain reaction, causing the depreciation of the Iranian rial and rampant inflation. The IMF assesses Iran’s inflation rate at 41.5% for 2023, with a projected decrease to 37.5% in 2024. However, it is crucial to note that this estimate is based on data provided by Iran’s Statistics Center. The CBI recently released a sub-report calculating debt and dowry payments, revealing a significantly higher inflation rate of over 52% for 2023.

In conclusion, the IMF report paints a grim picture of Iran’s economic trajectory. The reliance on high oil prices to avoid a budget deficit, coupled with soaring debt and rampant inflation, presents a major challenge for the Iranian government. The situation demands immediate and effective measures to address the underlying issues and stabilize the country’s economic outlook, something that has been rendered impossible under the rule of the current regime.

Iran’s Healthcare System: A Descent from Glory

Iran's Healthcare System: A Descent from Glory
Iran's Healthcare System: A Descent from Glory

Iran’s once-respected medical system appears to be on the brink of collapse, a point acknowledged with growing alarm by the country’s own media and officials.

This decline is particularly concerning given Iran’s past reputation as a destination for “health tourism,” attracting patients from neighboring countries seeking high-quality medical care.

Lost Allure: From Health Hub to Empty Waiting Rooms

The state-run daily Farhikhtegan paints a stark picture. It criticizes the regime’s management of healthcare, highlighting the dwindling number of health tourists.

The paper argues that cultural and social factors are not deterrents; instead, the blame falls squarely on the declining quality of services.

This decline is so significant that even religiously observant Iraqis, who might have previously chosen Mashhad or Tehran for treatment, are now opting for hospitals in Muscat, Oman.

Farhikhtegan further criticizes the Ministry of Health for its unrealistic focus on attracting health tourists while neglecting the root causes of the system’s decline.

A Doctor Exodus: Blaming the Victims, Ignoring the Cause

The report also sheds light on the authorities’ dismissive attitude towards medical professionals. One instance details a governor responding to doctors’ complaints by essentially offering them an ultimatum – accept the current conditions or leave.

This approach, coupled with “biases of officials and media” towards doctors and nurses, is seen as a significant factor in deterring skilled personnel.

The consequence? A mass exodus of specialists and nurses, with nurses becoming the “vanguards of the country’s brain drain.” This stands in stark contrast to claims made by the Minister of Health in February 2023, boasting of over a million health tourists and billions of dollars in revenue.

A Broken System: Economic Strain and Declining Morale

The regime’s policies have pushed doctors from the middle class down the economic ladder. The state-run newspaper Sazandegi reports on the financial struggles of medical professionals, particularly young doctors just starting their careers.

This economic strain, coupled with a lack of job security, has led to a decline in medical student enrollment.

Officials themselves are raising the alarm. Etemad newspaper quotes Iraj Fazel, a former Health Minister, expressing pessimism about the future.

He highlights the dwindling incentives for pursuing specialized medical fields, leading to a shortage of crucial specialists like vascular and pediatric surgeons.

The head of Iran’s medical system organization attributes this primarily to “excessive neglect of the health economy.”

Limited government funding has resulted in a severe shortage of specialists in critical fields. The organization warns that without a change in course, the country will be forced to choose between sending patients abroad for treatment or relying on foreign doctors.

Denial and Reality: A Collision Course

These concerns stand in stark contrast to the pronouncements of Hossein Salami, the head of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). In a December 2023 statement, he dismissed the mass migration of doctors and nurses as “lies” and enemy propaganda. However, just three months later, the reality of the situation became undeniable.

The medical system organization itself acknowledged the critical shortage of pediatric cardiologists due to a large-scale exodus, leaving hundreds of sick children facing an uncertain future.

Conclusion: A Crossroads for Iranian Healthcare

Iran’s healthcare system stands at a crossroads. The government’s current policies are demonstrably leading to a decline in quality, a shortage of qualified personnel, and ultimately, a system on the verge of collapse.

Whether the regime acknowledges this reality and takes corrective action remains to be seen. The well-being of millions of Iranians hangs in the balance.

The Anger of Iranian Society: Social Interference Sparks Unrest

The Anger of Iranian Society: Social Interference Sparks Unrest
The Anger of Iranian Society: Social Interference Sparks Unrest

In the midst of economic turmoil and societal tension, Iranian society finds itself gripped by anger and frustration, exacerbated by what many perceive as intrusive social interference.

This sentiment is explored in an article titled “The Anger of the Iranian People Due to Social Interference” by an Iranian sociologist, shedding light on the repercussions of the regime’s morality police in a highly volatile environment and warning of the potential for escalating protests.

Taghi Azadaramki, a sociologist, emphasized the exacerbation of social tensions caused by the repressive actions of the morality police, particularly in times of economic hardship. Speaking to the regime’s state-run website Mardom Salari, he warned of the simmering discontent within society:

“In this economic climate, instead of fostering peace, social interventions only serve to further anger the populace. Angry citizens express their frustration either in the same arena or by transferring their anger to places where they wield power.”

Azadaramki cautioned that the authorities’ reliance on the morality police to quell dissent may backfire, particularly in the current climate of military and economic strife. He highlighted the potential for nationwide protests spiraling out of control, drawing attention to the risk of incidents like the tragic death of Mahsa, which could ignite dangerous trends and lead protests down a violent and uncontrollable path.

Published on April 28, the state-run daily, Ham Mihan Online, highlighted the daily struggles faced by Iranians as economic challenges persist. Despite the regime’s promises of guidance, the cost of living continues to soar, with basic necessities like the dollar, gold, and everyday items becoming increasingly expensive. Against a backdrop of skyrocketing house rents and the imminent conclusion of the 12th Parliament, the focus of the regime’s representatives has shifted to the contentious Hijab and Chastity Bill.

In a troubling admission for the regime, Masoud Pezeshkian, a former MP, spoke candidly about the lavish lifestyles of government officials and the dire consequences of economic collapse. In an interview with the state-run website Jamaran, he remarked:

“Not everyone seeks a Hezbollahi doctor when they fall ill; rather, most seek out a competent doctor. Many officials have sought medical treatment abroad for ailments easily treatable at home. Why go abroad for basic medical needs?”

Pezeshkian highlighted the worsening state of the economy, urging officials to address critical sectors like industry, banking, and agriculture. He emphasized the worsening condition of the country day by day.

The article paints a vivid picture of growing discontent within Iranian society, fueled by economic hardships and exacerbated by what many perceive as heavy-handed social intervention. It warns of the potential for protests to escalate into widespread violence if these issues are not addressed promptly and effectively.

Bild: Iranian company with ties to regime operates in Düsseldorf

Bild: Iranian company with ties to regime operates in Düsseldorf
Bild: Iranian company with ties to regime operates in Düsseldorf

According to a Bild report, a company with ties to the Iranian regime has been operating in Düsseldorf, Germany. The company, Mapna Europe GmbH, is a branch of the Iranian state-owned company Mapna, which is controlled by a religious foundation linked to Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.

Mapna Europe GmbH is listed in the commercial register as having been formerly managed by Abbas Aliabadi, who is currently the Iranian Minister of Economy and a known officer of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards. Experts warn that the company may be acting to undermine economic sanctions placed on Iran.

Concerns about ties to weapons proliferation and terrorism

Iran experts, including political scientist Emanuele Ottolenghi, have raised concerns that Mapna could be involved in activities related to weapons of mass destruction. The British government has also added the company to a list of companies suspected of such involvement.

Bild further reports that Mapna Europe GmbH has connections to individuals with concerning backgrounds. Afshin Rezaei, who runs Mapna’s Dubai branch, was previously sentenced to prison in the United States for violating anti-terrorism laws. Additionally, the former head of the Iranian central bank, Tahmasb Mazaheri, who has been accused of attempting to transport a large sum of money out of Germany, also previously worked for Mapna Europe GmbH.

Financial ties and questions about transparency

The report also details a lack of transparency surrounding Mapna Europe GmbH’s business activities. The company reportedly works with a shipping company in North Rhine-Westphalia, but the nature of the goods they handle appears to be inconsistent. Additionally, the company does not have a website.

When sanctions against Iran were relaxed in 2015, Mapna Europe GmbH’s sales figures reportedly boomed. However, since the US withdrew from the nuclear agreement in 2018, business has declined. Major companies like Siemens AG have reportedly cut ties with Mapna.

The National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) alleges that Mapna helps to finance Hezbollah, a militant group designated as a terrorist organization by many countries.

German authorities silent on the matter

Bild reports that attempts to reach German authorities, including the Federal Office for Export Control (BAFA) and customs, for comment on the matter were unsuccessful.

A Nation in Despair: Why Hope Dwindles in Iranian Society

A Nation in Despair: Why Hope Dwindles in Iranian Society
A Nation in Despair: Why Hope Dwindles in Iranian Society

A recent article in the Iranian state-run newspaper Etemad painted a concerning picture of the nation’s mood. Entitled “Why is there little hope in Iranian society?,” the piece drew on research by regime scholar Maqsood Farastkhah, revealing a deep disconnect between the government and its people, alongside a socio-economic structure incapable of fostering optimism.

Farastkhah’s analysis suggests that hope has morphed into a “controversial and problematic issue” in Iran. Traditionally, social structures act as breeding grounds for hope, but the current system appears ill-equipped to fulfill this role. He argues that the dominant structures actively contribute to a sense of despair. Statistics back up this claim: Iran’s happiness index plummeted from 54th to 70th globally within the first decade of the 21st century.

Public trust in the government’s ability to address problems is demonstrably low. A staggering 80% of the population holds a negative view of the system’s effectiveness. This lack of faith extends to the future of the nation. Only 23% of Iranians believe things will improve in terms of prosperity, unity, empathy, and poverty reduction. Conversely, 77% anticipate stagnation or worsening conditions.

National unity suffers even more profoundly, with a staggering 84% of citizens fearing a decline in social cohesion. The situation is most dire concerning poverty, where 89% expect it to worsen or remain unchanged. International social capital studies further solidify this bleak picture, ranking Iran a dismal 111th and 110th out of 142 and 158 countries in social capital and vitality, respectively.

These statistics are not mere abstractions. The article delves deeper by comparing Iran’s economic growth to regional neighbors. Over the past five decades, Iran’s economy only grew 14 times, while Qatar’s surged by a staggering 298 times. This stark disparity exposes the inefficiency of Iran’s economic policies.

Farastkhah expands on this issue, highlighting the restrictive nature of the regime in various spheres. He mentions limitations on political participation, including vetting university professors and student activists, alongside cultural restrictions like the mandatory hijab law for women. These policies, he argues, contribute to a sense of despair.

The author further emphasizes the detrimental impact of economic stagnation on hope. Zero economic growth for a decade, coupled with declining income per capita, rising poverty, stagnant unemployment, and widening social inequalities are cited as symptoms of a failing system. This “slow moving and stagnant form” of the economy produces “undesirable products” like inflation, unemployment, and societal imbalance, contributing to a systematic generation of despair.

The ruling body undeniably plays a significant role. When public dissent is met with repression and violence, it inevitably extinguishes hope. Similarly, the high number of executions in Iran casts a long shadow, further dampening societal optimism.

From the article, we can conclude this poignant image: elderly citizens scavenging for food and women facing brutality for failing to adhere to the hijab law. These are not isolated incidents; they represent the systematic erosion of hope within Iranian society.

Iran’s Economic Growth: A Reality Check

Iran's Economic Growth: A Reality Check
Iran's Economic Growth: A Reality Check

Iran’s average economic growth rate over the past two years has been 3.4%. However, unlike independent analysts, policymakers are projecting much higher figures, as high as 8%, for this year and beyond. This optimism is misplaced.

Achieving such high growth requires significant groundwork. Unfortunately, Iran lacks the necessary infrastructure and economic stability. This unrealistic approach leads to bad policy decisions. Instead of focusing on long-term sustainable growth, officials resort to price controls, distribution schemes, and harmful tax increases. These measures will ultimately undermine the current modest growth.

The recent growth can be attributed to two temporary factors: the US waiver on oil sales and the easing of COVID-19 restrictions. These factors are no longer in play.

Independent analysts see a clear pattern: Iran’s economy prioritizes high inflation over sustainable growth. This is evident in the breakdown of recent growth. Sectors like agriculture, industry, tourism, and IT have seen minimal or negative growth, while the capital account balance has declined.

The real growth driver is the oil and gas sector, which has been experiencing a declining capital account balance since 2009. This unsustainable model stifles long-term growth.

Iran’s high capital account dependence, compared to other countries, reflects its low productivity. For instance, despite having the second-highest number of petrochemical plants in Asia, Iran captures only 2% of the global market. Additionally, domestic demand for petrochemical products is limited. Similar inefficiencies exist in the steel industry.

Consequently, Iran’s long-term growth is directly tied to the capital account balance, while short-term growth fluctuates with oil prices and export volumes.

The recent 33% growth in the oil sector translated into a 13% GDP increase compared to 2019. However, this is unsustainable. Declining oil demand will likely reverse this trend, negatively impacting the budget and inflation.

Furthermore, the increased oil revenue from 2020 (from $20 billion to $60 billion) wasn’t used for capital investment. Instead, it went towards currency exchange and non-capital goods imports, failing to generate lasting value.

Realizing this, government economists now predict only 1.7% growth over the next eight years, even with a 4.5% investment growth rate. This is far lower than the unrealistic projections of other officials.

To maintain the current oil-driven growth, Iran would need significantly higher oil exports, either through increased volume or higher prices. This seems unlikely considering current sanctions and their impact on the budget and development plans.

To achieve the ambitious 8% growth target, Iran would need a much heavier capital account balance, which is simply not available.

In conclusion, Iran’s current economic growth is fragile and unsustainable. Focusing on long-term growth through diversification and productivity improvements is essential.