The Iranian regime’s systematic pressure and repression of women is a well-documented issue. Their efforts to control female citizens are not merely an exaggeration, but a reality, exemplified by the proposed “Chastity and Hijab” bill. This legislation serves as a potent tool for the regime to stifle dissent and prevent any potential uprising.
Iranian women are undeniably facing a brutal form of gender-based apartheid. The regime’s draconian laws targeting women have reached a level of inhumanity that defies comprehension. Consequently, women have emerged as a driving force for new protests against the regime.
During previous demonstrations, women were at the forefront, acting as the vanguard and engine of the movement. This misogynistic regime, however, aims to sideline them through repressive measures. Their intention is to effectively silence half the population in the hope of snuffing out any rebellion against their tyranny.
The proposed “Chastity and Hijab” bill is a six-point initiative drafted entirely by the regime’s judiciary. President Ebrahim Raisi further expanded it with nine additional clauses before presenting it to parliament for approval. Following a general vote, the bill, now containing a staggering 71 clauses, was sent to the Guardian Council by the parliament’s judicial and legal commission. However, it has yet to be officially enacted.
The bill’s content is so demonstrably inhumane and inflammatory that no faction within the regime is willing to take ownership of it. It has become a political hot potato, with each side deflecting responsibility and tossing it back to their rivals.
While the bill remains unapproved, the regime’s supreme leader, Ali Khamenei, feels threatened by the populace. In an attempt to return the country to a state resembling the pre-2022 nationwide protests, he appointed Ahmad-Reza Radan as the new police chief. Radan has wasted no time in tightening his grip on the nation, deploying 32 distinct repressive forces.
This latest move is only one part of a larger, ongoing process. Amir Hossein Bankipour Fard, head of parliament’s youth and population support commission, recently unveiled a new, equally repressive plan. This plan, which coincides with the return of the notorious “morality police” to the streets, proposes connecting all security cameras in shops and offices directly to the regime’s police force (Faraja).
While the regime, as a matter of course, masks its true intentions by citing concerns about theft control, the true purpose, as evidenced by Bankipour Fard’s own words, is to exert complete control over women, young people, and restive cities on the verge of eruption. He further elaborated, stating: “In order to ensure the overall security of our cities, we said in this law that all sectors, even the private one, must give the control of their cameras to the police to prevent all kinds of social harms like theft. We are equipping Faraja so that it can complete its surveillance network.”
Facial-recognition cameras, designed to identify protest leaders and active participants, were prominently utilized by the repressive apparatus during the 2022 uprising. Despite these measures, the regime failed to control society effectively. Protests and resistance continue to this day.
The redeployment of the morality police and other repressive tactics have ignited significant dissent within the regime’s own factions. They are understandably apprehensive about a repeat of the fiery scenes witnessed during the uprising, fearing the high cost and social unrest it would inevitably entail. This apprehension is reflected in the regime’s media outlets, where even a degree of ambiguity and questioning can be observed.
The state-run daily Setareh Sobh voiced its concerns, stating: “The return of the morality police, this time under the guise of the ‘Noor Project,’ will once again divide society. While we are embroiled in diplomacy with Israel and facing crippling economic problems domestically, leading to increased public dissatisfaction, the question must be asked: Why insist on such a counterproductive approach?”
It is clear that Khamenei’s resort to totalitarian and fascist methods is only pushing society, particularly women and youth, towards further rebellion and uprising. Experts warn that a violent confrontation between these demographics and the regime’s oppressive machinery is a growing possibility.
Setareh Sobh further highlights: “Observations of Iranian society today confirm that, in the discussion of hijab, harsh and directive approaches have not only been ineffective but have also widened the gap between young people and the government, both supporters and non-supporters.”
The message is clear: the regime’s brutal repression of women and youth is not only unsustainable but also carries the very real potential to ignite a new wave of nationwide unrest.
