The structure of Iran’s economy has consistently revealed various corruption cases in recent decades, each time surprising society with more astronomical figures than before.
Corruption cases within the regime encompass all types of illegal business practices, characterized by the golden signature of managers and support from influential political and economic groups at the regime’s highest echelons.
A dispute between two representatives from the city of Qom in the parliament has brought to light their involvement in the corruption case of Qarz-ul-Hasaneh marriage loans, commonly known as ‘Musa bin Jafar’s loans’.
According to information from the judicial authorities of Qom province, individuals with fake identities or marriage certificates, lacking the necessary qualifications, received loans at the behest of political figures in the corruption of marriage loans case.
On December 4, 2023, the General and Revolutionary Prosecutor of Qom province, announcing the arrest of those accused of disbursing marriage loans through the forgery of official documents, revealed the number of these loans to be 244. He clarified, “The indictment of the bank manager, along with his accomplices, for disbursing 244 loans with forged official documents has been issued.”
Tensions heightened when Mojtaba Zonnour, the representative of Qom in the parliament, during the monthly meeting of Qomites in Tehran, criticized some fellow parliament members, holding them responsible for the country’s issues. He stated, “If members of the parliament fulfilled even 50% of their representative duties, there would be no unpaved streets, no power fluctuations, and no problems with drinking water and agriculture.”
The contentious part of Zonnour’s speech referred to the case of loans obtained with fake documents, implicating another representative from Qom without mentioning the name. Zonnour asserted, “To neglect the parliament’s significant tasks, claiming to be a representative of the people, and nominating someone to receive five million tomans from the Musa bin Jafar fund in Qom’s Nirougah neighborhood means impoverishing the people and burdening them with guilt.”
While the vice-chairman of the parliament did not explicitly name the representative in question, those following the political news in Qom over the past two years would likely connect this accusation to the ongoing dispute between Zonnour and Amirabadi Farahani, another representative from the same city.
The sharp reaction from the CEO of the Musa Bin Jafar Institute in the Nirougah neighborhood to Zonnour’s remarks further illuminated the dimensions of the conflict between the two representatives. The impoverished area of Nirougah and this institution were the primary supporters of Amirabadi Farahani in the last parliamentary elections.
Two days ago, Ali Rezaei, CEO and Chairman of the Board of Directors of Qarz-ul-Hasaneh Musa Bin Jafar Fund, addressed Zonnour in an open letter, disclosing that he had introduced over 900 people to the Musa Bin Jafar Fund to obtain loans of 5 million tomans.
This revelation could escalate tensions between the two representatives into one of the bank corruption cases. However, in another part of the letter, Rezaei accused Zonnour of election violations, stating, “According to Article 83 of the Election Law of the parliament, introducing loans is considered a crime from the time registrations begin until the elections. Your office, at this time, contrary to the law, introduced people to obtain loans, and these documents are available in the Musa bin Jafar fund.”
This accusation, if investigated by monitoring institutions during the upcoming parliamentary election, could have significant consequences for Zonnour.
The primary dispute between the two representatives traces back to the time when Alireza Zakani, the then representative of the people of Qom in the parliament, resigned to assume a position in the Tehran municipality. A competition ensued between Zonnour and Farahani to assume his duties in Qom.
According to Zonnour, Amirabadi Farahani was established as a ‘designated representative’ with his permission to handle Zakani’s duties related to citizens’ affairs. However, Amirabadi, with the approval of Mohammad Bagher Qalibaf, established two additional offices in the city. Zonnour claims that the expenses for these offices were not covered by the parliament’s budget.
Following Zonnour’s disclosure and warning, the Board of Directors canceled the permission to pay these expenses, but this did not mark the end of the confrontation between the two representatives. It appears that Zonnour’s revelation of introducing nearly 900 people to receive loans has become more than a reaction attributed to Amirabadi Farahani—it’s now a stumbling block in Zonnour’s election campaign in an area traditionally considered Amirabadi Farahani’s stronghold.
The impoverished population of Nirougah in Qom has historically supported Amirabadi Farahani, but in recent years, Zonnour has been trying to strengthen his position in this part of the city by holding various meetings and facilitating the approval of loan applications.
This action has not gone unnoticed by his election rival. In the letter from the director of Qarz-ul-Hasaneh, Musa bin Jafar, a part of Zonnour’s words in a public meeting was highlighted, questioning why he labeled loan recipients as beggars. Rezaei criticized Zonnour, stating, “You know that some people can solve some of their problems with just five million tomans. Don’t you think that taking a loan of 5 million is begging? Have you wronged and insulted these 900 people that you introduced?”
The history of financial institutions and loans in Iran, along with the repayment of loans, has consistently been one of the platforms for corruption and rent-seeking exploited by prominent politicians. This has resulted in the bankruptcy and closure of many institutions.
