General

Iran: A Crisis Over the Share of Power and Wealth in Face of the So-Called Election

One of the consequences of nationwide protests that shook Iran in November and December is the intensification of infighting among regime officials.

One of the constant feuds within the Iranian regime is the war over the share of power and plundering the people.

Observers say that since the structure of the regime’s government is based on the sharing of power and wealth, this is the main feud within the entire system. The topic of the so-called election displays one area of ​​this feud.

The Supreme Leader of Iran Ali Khamenei with the leverage of the Guardian Council and the government (regime’s President Hassan Rouhani) with the leverage of the Ministry of the Interior remove each other from the election nomination to get more seats.

But this time, Rouhani’s faction has faced the most widespread number of candidates rejected by the Guardian Council, so that in the final phase of the regime this war has taken on another crisis.

Following the elimination of many of Rouhani’s faction, bargaining for a greater share of power and wealth has started. Until Rouhani himself came on the scene and promoted the fight to a higher grade:

“Let's not say to the people, that in front of a parliamentary seat, 17 people, 170 people, 1700 are candidates, from how many factions 1700? 17 people from how many factions? From one faction? This cannot be an election! It's like that you put 2000 pieces from just one product in a store, it must be different; 2000 from one product? What's on the other side?”

Immediately following Rouhani's remarks, the Guardian Council secretary Abbas Ali Katkhodai, recounting with a quibble the disqualification of Rouhani's son-in-law, said: “The controversy about disqualified people is not new, but the President's pioneering in this anti-national project is unfortunate.

Of course, we did not know that the disapproval of relatives meant the elimination of other factions.” These statements triggered a rival response and revealed another wave of corruption within the regime.

Rouhani’s son-in-law came to the scene and wrote: “I wonder how those people whose case was in the hands of Rouhani in 2006 and Rouhani did not allow (that their case) to be released, how are they qualified! Relationship with someone should not endorse or disqualify you, but why is your road one-sided? Reporters should ask Rabii about the case.” (ILNA, 15 January 2020)

Abdolreza Rahmani Fazli, the minister of the interior, also reminded Katkhodaii of the chaos within the regime and regime's complicated situation and called for unity and empathy in the fair division of seats.

But beyond the death of former IRGC Qods Force chief Qassem Suleimani, which Rahmani Fazli was referring to, the tense situation of the regime in the face of the uprising of the people was on the attention of Rouhani’s faction, and he warned the regime that a split over the country’s leadership could ignite new uprisings.

Among the mullahs, Fazel Meibodi, on 16 January, in the state-run Arman newspaper, warned about the consequence of the elimination of Rouhani’s faction and said: “The country is heading to a direction that is in no one's interest ... Methods and radical thoughts are leading in a way that makes managing costly ... there is no domestic political calm ... The recent protests show just how costly these methods can be for the country.”

No one should see whether Khamenei can really unite the parliament for his own profits with the elimination of Rouhani’s faction.

Rouhani’s faction is warning Khamenei that testing the false again is wrong. You brought [former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad] once and the result was to your detriment. Observers of Iran’s situation say factional feuding over wealth and power in the phase of the overthrow of the regime will only intensify the regime’s internal crises.

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