Despite possessing some of the world’s largest oil and gas reserves, Iran faces accelerating inflation, a collapsing currency, and chronic underinvestment. Billions of dollars in foreign exchange and state-backed credit have failed to reach ordinary citizens and small businesses, raising further questions about the regime’s handling of public wealth.
Iran’s deepening economic crisis is increasingly exposing the structure of an economy dominated by powerful political and security networks. Despite possessing the world’s second-largest oil and gas reserves, the country continues to experience declining production, accelerating inflation, currency depreciation, and deteriorating living standards.
The problem extends beyond the economic damage caused by the recent war. Decades of mismanagement, massive budget deficits, uncontrolled liquidity, and the concentration of wealth in the hands of regime-linked networks have created what economists describe as a mafia-style or oligarchic economy.
The principal beneficiaries are networks connected to the supreme leader’s office, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), senior officials, and their families. Meanwhile, ordinary Iranians face mounting poverty and diminishing purchasing power.
Missing oil revenues expose the scale of financial corruption
The handling of oil revenues illustrates the problems facing Iran’s economy. Reports cited in discussions of the regime’s internal disputes indicate that approximately $11 billion in oil income has gone missing or failed to return to the country.
Several individuals have reportedly been implicated in the controversy, including former intelligence minister Ali Fallahian and other figures involved in oil transactions. Six additional individuals have also reportedly been identified, among them the son of former Supreme National Security Council secretary Ali Shamkhani, in connection with the regime’s oil sales and the failure to repatriate the proceeds.
These cases point to a broader problem: oil revenues that should support the national economy are instead handled through opaque networks, with significant sums remaining outside the country’s financial system.
The resulting financial opacity compounds the effects of international sanctions and undermines confidence in the country’s economic institutions.
Currency intervention protects wealthy holders, not ordinary Iranians
The regime’s recent attempt to stabilize the national currency provides another example of how economic interventions can benefit those who already possess substantial wealth.
The Central Bank reportedly made approximately $2 billion in foreign currency available through exchange offices, allowing individuals to purchase up to $10,000 in dollars per day. The stated objective was to prevent further depreciation of the rial.
However, access to such purchases primarily benefits people who already have sufficient financial resources to convert their savings into foreign currency. For families living below the poverty line, the opportunity is largely meaningless. They have little or no savings to protect, while the cost of basic necessities continues to rise.
At the time of the intervention, the dollar was trading at approximately 270,000 tomans. It briefly declined to around 265,000 tomans before returning to approximately 271,000 tomans, where it remained for the following two weeks.
The intervention therefore failed to produce a sustained improvement in the currency’s value.
Its immediate beneficiaries were primarily wealthy individuals seeking to protect their assets against further depreciation. The funds could instead have been directed toward stabilizing the supply and affordability of essential goods, including bread, food products, and medicine, particularly during wartime economic conditions.
Economic collapse threatens investment and production
The depreciation of the rial has consequences far beyond the immediate increase in prices. The collapse of public confidence in the national currency undermines domestic savings, discourages investment, and makes long-term economic planning increasingly difficult.
Iran needs an estimated $400 billion in investment to address its infrastructure and production deficiencies, particularly following the war. The estimated requirements include:
| Sector | Estimated investment |
|---|---|
| Oil and gas | $100 billion |
| Electricity and energy | $65 billion |
| Industry and manufacturing | $65 billion |
| Railways, ports, and roads | $50 billion |
| Water and agriculture | $35 billion |
| Healthcare and housing | $30 billion |
| Total of listed sectors | $345 billion |
The figures for these sectors alone amount to approximately $345 billion, with additional investment needed elsewhere to bring the overall requirement close to $400 billion.
However, attracting such investment requires economic stability, predictable regulations, reliable financial institutions, and confidence that investors can protect their capital and earn returns.
These conditions are increasingly absent.
An economic analysis published in the state-affiliated Etemad newspaper highlighted a fundamental problem: the growing gap between economic decisions and their expected results. Investors need confidence that their capital will remain secure and that investments will generate returns. When uncertainty increases, investment becomes more difficult, production riskier, and economic decisions increasingly short-term.
High inflation, declining production, weak investment, and restrictions on international trade are already placing enormous pressure on economic activity. The war has intensified these difficulties by increasing risks to trade, supply chains, and investment decisions, but it did not create the underlying structural problems.
The central issue remains an economic system in which corruption, financial opacity, and the concentration of resources prevent sustainable development.
Billions in credit fail to reach small businesses
The allocation of domestic credit provides another example of how the regime’s economic policies favor established power centers over the productive sector.
The Central Bank reportedly announced that 848 trillion tomans in credit had been injected into the economy. However, figures cited by business representatives and other institutions suggested that only around 40 percent of the announced funds had actually reached their intended recipients, raising questions about the destination of the remainder.
A separate 700-trillion-toman credit package intended to support small and medium-sized enterprises also exposed serious problems in the banking system. According to Industry Minister Mohammad Atabak, much of the financing that was supposed to reach smaller businesses was instead directed by banks toward large companies.
Atabak acknowledged that banks had favored larger enterprises because they considered them safer borrowers and less risky. The government subsequently discussed allocating an additional 300 trillion tomans to compensate smaller businesses that had been excluded.
This allocation pattern is particularly damaging because small and medium-sized businesses are essential to employment, production, and economic circulation. Instead of directing scarce financial resources toward businesses that need capital to maintain operations and create jobs, the banking system has favored large enterprises with greater access to financial resources.
The result is a further concentration of economic power rather than broader productive growth.
An economy structured around elite interests
The various developments point to a common structural problem. Oil revenues fail to return to the national treasury, currency interventions provide protection primarily to wealthy asset holders, and credit intended for smaller businesses is redirected toward large corporations.
The scale of the oil-revenue problem is also reflected in recent reporting. In October 2026, Al Jazeera reported that Iranian intermediaries responsible for selling the country’s sanctioned oil owed the government between approximately $11 billion and $12 billion. The system of using intermediaries to circumvent sanctions has created longstanding problems involving unpaid proceeds, opaque transactions, and disputed financial obligations.
The United States has also documented the role of politically connected commercial networks in Iran’s oil trade. In July 2026, the US Treasury announced sanctions targeting more than 50 individuals, entities, and vessels connected to the shipping network of Mohammad Hossein Shamkhani, son of former senior regime official Ali Shamkhani.
These developments illustrate how the country’s financial and commercial networks are intertwined with the regime’s political and security structures.
Ultimately, an economy that prioritizes the preservation of elite wealth over public welfare cannot provide a credible path toward recovery. Without transparency, accountability, and the redistribution of economic opportunities toward the wider population, additional currency injections and credit packages will do little to address the underlying crisis.
Iran’s economic collapse is therefore not simply the consequence of war, sanctions, or external pressure. It is rooted in a system in which the concentration of wealth and power, institutionalized corruption, and the exploitation of national resources take precedence over the needs of the Iranian people.

