The primary financial resources fueling the rule of religious fascism in Iran are generated through the sale of Iranian funds, assets, resources, and products at meager prices to a limited set of markets that procure them at the lowest possible cost.
When a nation’s wealth and resources are in the clutches of criminal thieves, there is little room for any rightful calculation. Nevertheless, by examining the government’s official statistics, we can begin to discern the extent of systematic theft and plunder perpetrated by the ruling regime.
For several decades, Iranian products and commodities have been sold at remarkably low prices to intermediaries associated with the regime. Domestic media reports occasionally shed light on these transactions.
The price of every ton of Iranian export has plummeted to such an extent that it almost appears as if Iranian goods are being auctioned on the global stage. This distressing trend is also reflected in the latest customs data.
A 20-year analysis of non-oil exports reveals a disconcerting pattern. In 2007, products bearing the ‘Made in Iran’ label were valued at $551 per ton of goods. However, in 2014, their value had shrunk to a mere $356 per ton.
This represents a staggering 50% drop from the fixed price and a 30% decline from the current market rate. Consequently, the global reputation of ‘Made in Iran’ has suffered a significant blow, as these products are being sold at increasingly lower prices.
To put it in perspective, two decades ago, Iran garnered approximately $6 billion in revenue from the export of 15 million tons of non-oil goods. This means that each ton of goods was sold for roughly $386, a figure that is a mere $30 more than its price in 2023.
In essence, Iranian goods have been sold at a 40% discount compared to 20 years ago, exemplifying the regime’s abuse of the term ‘low price.’
Iran’s economy heavily relies on oil and rent-seeking, leading to astronomical and inconceivable profits being funneled into the coffers of the regime’s officials.
The most lucrative exports consist of oil, gas, and semi-processed petrochemical products, for which substantial rents and subsidies are distributed. In a broader context, Iran’s most profitable exports encompass petroleum products, mineral industries, petrochemical products, agricultural goods, and raw materials.
These economic dynamics have persisted throughout various regimes, ultimately eroding the foundations of Iran’s national economy. An astonishing confession from a regime official in past years unveiled that, instead of non-oil products, subsidies, and cheap energy are essentially being exported.
The head of the Iran-China Chamber of Commerce stated, “We are essentially exporting subsidies and inexpensive energy instead of non-oil products. A significant portion of non-oil exports consists of raw materials, petrochemicals (with up to 80% subsidies for production), steel, sand, and cement, all produced with cost-effective and subsidized energy. In essence, it could be said that the government indirectly subsidizes non-oil goods at the expense of the people.”
It is worth noting that 90% of foreign exchange earnings from exports are controlled by entrenched government entities, with a substantial portion falling into the hands of trustees overseeing the petrochemical, steel, major mining, and primary metals industries, effectively bolstering the financial interests of the regime’s officials.
The tragedy extends beyond the liquidation of Iran’s national assets; the mass exodus of thousands of educated young people, expert professionals, and professors is more heart-wrenching and irreplaceable than any other aspect.
Every year, around 10,000 members of Iran’s medical community, including doctors, nurses, and midwives, along with the best paramedical personnel, seek refuge elsewhere.
The spokesperson for the Iranian Medical System Organization even acknowledged that the ‘brain drain’ has doubled compared to the pre-COVID years, with Iran now ‘exporting’ doctors to every corner of the globe.
