As the people and youth of Iran brace themselves to face off with the regime at the cusp of the anniversary of the 2022 uprising, recent reports in student media shed light on the widespread summoning of students from various universities to security institutions.
According to these reports, the Iran regime’s intelligence and security agents have recently summoned and issued threats to dozens of students from universities such as Amirkabir, Allameh, Khajeh Nasir, Tarbiat Modares, Ferdowsi, Mashhad, and Isfahan.
On Monday, August 14, the Amirkabir News Channel reported the summoning of at least 10 students from Amirkabir University of Technology, (Tehran’s Polytechnic). These students were summoned to the “Ministry of Intelligence Investigation Office” located on Baradaran Mozafar Street.
Amirkabir’s newsletter also quoted several of the summoned students, indicating that the security forces of the regime had asked them to pledge not to participate in potential protest gatherings on the anniversary of Mahsa Amini’s death.
The newspaper reported that out of the 15 students from Allameh University previously summoned by the Intelligence Department, six were called to the Intelligence Ministry’s investigation office on Monday, August 14, for interrogation.
These interrogations, which at times extended up to five hours, were based on security reports from Allameh University regarding the university’s protests, particularly the March 7 protest concerning the serial poisoning of students. These reports were provided to the security agency. During the interrogation sessions, students were also threatened with arrest and legal action.
Simultaneously, student union councils across the country reported a wave of “telephone summons,” involving at least 15 students from Allameh Tabatabai University. These students were summoned to the Ministry of Intelligence through phone calls from unidentified numbers.
The council’s report stressed the extensive nature of these “telephone summons,” revealing that students from Beheshti, Tehran, Khajeh Nasir, and Ferdowsi Universities had also received summons via phone calls from security institutions.
Another report by the United Students Channel confirmed the onset of a widespread “telephone summons” trend at Khajeh Nasir al-Din al-Tusi University in Tehran. This report stated, “Since Saturday evening, August 12, several Khajeh Nasir students have received a summons from unidentified sources.” The university’s trade union council corroborated this report, adding that some students had received threatening calls from unknown sources.
The wave of summons began the previous week with “telephone summons” targeting 12 students from Tarbiat Modares University in Tehran.
On August 10, the country’s student union councils attributed the surge in “telephone summons” of student activists to the concern of the Islamic Republic’s authorities regarding the approaching anniversary of Mahsa Amini’s death and the imminent reopening of universities.
The council’s report underscored that these actions were executed with the intent of instilling fear among students. The head of the state security forces, Ahmadreza Radan, previously indicated that prevention was the solution to dealing with disturbances. Drawing from the previous year’s experience, the regime realized the costliness of dispersing street gatherings once they had formed. Consequently, they believed that intimidation tactics could quell potential uprisings.
The summoning and threatening of students were among the preventative measures adopted by the regime to curtail the growing confidence of progressive forces, youths, and students within society.
However, it appears that society is not deterred by these actions, nor is it swayed by the diminishing influence of a faltering regime. Instead, it is gearing up for a nationwide uprising.
The 2022 uprising demonstrated the Iranian people’s determination to overthrow the regime, revealing their readiness to pay a high price for freedom.
Khamenei’s regime finds itself trapped in an inescapable impasse, lacking the capacity for reform. As a result, it takes daily measures to ensure its survival, further fueling discontent and fanning the flames of the uprising. The regime’s integrity, particularly the positions of Khamenei and his president, has been significantly eroded.
The dwindling Basij militia, 50% inflation, a budget deficit exceeding 50%, rising unemployment, rampant government corruption, and widespread poverty have placed the regime at odds with a society determined to oust it.
In this scenario, Khamenei relies on brutal suppression of protests, increased executions, and widespread arrests to suppress the uprising and preserve his rule. The judiciary and law enforcement have intensified repression, particularly against women, while also attempting to bolster a climate of fear by recruiting 400 municipal security forces under the pretext of enforcing “Hijab” by providing them with a monthly salary of 12 million tomans and stationing them in the Tehran subway.
Thus, the various regime leaders have alluded to their fear of another uprising:
Mehdi Nasiri Editor of Samt magazine commented, “We must prepare ourselves for the moment of collapse.”
Regime’s Spokesman Ali Bahadori Jahormi said, “We must remain vigilant. Peace cannot be achieved on the battlefield.”
Hossein Salami, head of the IRGC predicted, “The enemy will undoubtedly incite sedition in the coming months during the anniversary of the riots.”
Regime’s expert Hossein Raghfar warned, “The situation may escalate to a point where these disgruntled masses flood the squares and streets, rendering control impossible.”
Consequently, on the eve of the uprising’s anniversary, Khamenei finds himself in a critical period, marked by increased vulnerability and heightened anxiety. In the ensuing weeks and months, any events that transpire are likely to expose Khamenei’s weaknesses and exacerbate his sense of hopelessness.