In the wake of the abrupt shutdown of several cafés in Tehran, particularly those in close proximity to the University of Tehran, an official from the university has revealed that the ‘Organization of the Central Campus of Tehran Universities’ has taken charge. Simultaneously, a branch affiliated with the Iranian Armed Forces’ General Staff has accused these cafés of transforming into ‘networking centers’ threatening national security and the regime.
While the ‘sealing of cafés’ has been in effect in Tehran and various Iranian cities, particularly since April of this year, as a government measure to counteract women’s refusal to adhere to the mandatory hijab, recent weeks have witnessed a surge in reports about the complete closure of numerous cafés. This phenomenon is most pronounced within Tehran.
Several cafés, including Ketab Ima Cafe, Saku Café, Baraka Café, and numerous others, all located in the vicinity of the central campus of the University of Tehran, have fallen victim to this crackdown. Even Godar Café, where Nika Shakrami worked before her tragic death during the 2022 protests, has not been spared. Reports of its eviction have surfaced in recent days.
Ali Mobeini Dehkordi, the director of Tehran University of Medical Sciences and Knowledge City, confirmed on September 23, that the café closures are part of a broader initiative initiated at the request of Mohammad Moghimi, the president of the University of Tehran. This initiative is aptly titled ‘The plan to organize the central campus of Tehran University and Tehran Medical Sciences.’
Mobeini Dehkordi explained that certain properties in the vicinity of Tehran University, initially acquired as endowments or funded over the past two decades for the university’s expansion and the realization of a ‘Knowledge City,’ were temporarily leased to individuals whose activities did not align with the university’s core mission.
Under the stewardship of Mohammad Moghimi, Tehran University has embarked on a mission to reclaim these spaces from past tenants whose endeavors, such as residential or commercial use, were unrelated to the pursuit of knowledge.
Simultaneously, Mobeini Dehkordi asserted that, following the evacuation of these cafés, ‘all assets, properties, and locations within the boundaries of the Knowledge City will be allocated to units aligned with the university’s core missions, fostering scientific and technological innovation.’
Hassan Nowruzi, a member of the legal and judicial commission of the regime’s parliament, voiced support for the café closures, especially in the vicinity of Tehran University, declaring, ‘We firmly believe that the area surrounding the university should serve as a hub for academic study and knowledge acquisition.’
Nowruzi emphasized that universities should offer a secure environment conducive to studying, devoid of commercial activities. He stressed the importance of universities hosting libraries and academic gatherings, emphasizing their indispensable role in advancing knowledge.
In contrast, the website ‘Foundation for the Preservation of the Works and Publication of the Values of the Holy Defense,’ an organization linked to the Iranian Armed Forces’ General Staff, issued a statement on September 29 labeling the cafés as ‘networking centers threatening national security.’ The site remarked that cafés were mushrooming and, in the absence of adequate supervision, had become hotspots for activities against security and Sharia law.
The regime-affiliated website further claimed that many of the individuals arrested during the 2022 protests had frequented ‘cafés in central Tehran areas’ or were gamers who had connected and ‘organized’ through chat rooms in these cafés.
The statement revealed that, at the outset of the protests in 2022, ‘there were more than 150 cafés in central Tehran areas, including those around Tehran University, Keshavarz Boulevard, and Artists’ Park.’
This website, linked to subgroups of the General Staff of the Iranian Armed Forces, also asserted that ‘over 50% of these cafés were not economically viable but continued to operate.’ It claimed that ‘some of these cafés were financially supported by European embassies.’
In contrast, in the 5th issue of September, the state-run Ham Mihan newspaper responded to the wave of café closures, stating, ‘They’ve ordered the closure of cafés around the university, all under the guise of a scientific jihad to establish an entrepreneurial university with a social responsibility approach.’
Enumerating a list of restrictions and coercive measures that the regime has struggled to impose on the populace, the newspaper wrote, ‘The ban on cassette tapes proved futile. The prohibition of video content failed. The crackdown on satellite dishes became a laughable spectacle, with those involved in satellite installation outpacing the authorities.’ The newspaper then referred to the ‘Filtering and Filtering Ridicule’ that ensued.
In an address to regime officials, Ham Mihan added, ‘Why are you toiling so hard? Are you jealous that the Taliban took control of the friendly and neighbor state in one night? Perhaps it’s time to leave the formalities behind and follow suit. Prohibit women from leaving their homes. Close the doors of the university, and that’s it.’
The newspaper concluded by addressing the regime’s authorities, writing, ‘Shaving, music, and short sleeves all come with their own punishments. Cinema is considered heretical. Just get it over with. It’s time to define your stance with the people, as the people have already made their stance clear.’
