- Published: Tuesday, 27 June 2017
- Written by Mahmoud Hakamian
Infuriated by MEK’s removal from US terrorist list, Iranian regime House Speaker Ali Larijni said in his Friday June-23 speech “now it’s you (the United States) who are sponsor of terrorism and even mother of terrorism, yet you accuse the Iranian regime of sponsoring terrorism. Your accusations are shameful …. Today the Americans removed MEK from their list of terrorist groups.”
In an article titled “(MEK’s) footsteps being heard”, the Revolutionary Guards’ Fars news agency reveals regime’s concerns over increased danger coming from MEK following their transfer from Camp Liberty to Europe, saying that June 20 is reminder of (MEK’s) declaring war against the regime.
After putting forward a pack of false claims, the Revolutionary Guards’ news agency reveals regime’s fearing the recurrence of July 1999 and 2009 uprisings, as well as the danger coming from MEK, saying “the group’s (MEK’s) increased activities and their efforts for creating chaos and making a creeping coup was so intense over a period of time that many thought it was over for the regime on July 9, 1999. Their coordination was even further revealed during the 2009 uprising.”
Meanwhile, head of predatory ‘Samen-ol-Aeme’ financial institution in Gilan province ‘Reza Ghasemi’ expressed in a June-17 interview his anger over MEK’s satellite channels exposing insecure, bankrupt institutions belonging to state entities like the Revolutionary Guards, a move aimed at informing the Iranian people.
“Some satellite channels linked to MEK”, said the regime official, “have released a clip showing that Samen institution has gone bankrupt, scaring investors into rushing to Samen Bank branches.”
Mohsen Rezaei former Revolutionary Guards’ commander pointed in his June-16 speech in Mashhad to MEK’s power back in 1981, saying that the organization had 17,000 members in Tehran, Mashhad, and Isfahan and some 70 thousand fans across Iran.
But even more important than all those remarks is regime leader Ali Khamenei’s own coming to the scene, fearing the spread of the movement seeking justice for MEK members massacred in 1988.
Following an escalation of the movement, Khamenei said in his Khomeini’s funeral speech “we’ve recently been hearing some tribunes attacking regime’s records during the ‘80s. I recommend those who are thoughtful not to mistake executioners for martyrs when judging the ‘80s events. Iranian people were oppressed at the time. Terrorists, MEK, their supporters and those who raised them and constantly blew them persecuted the Iranian people. They did bad things. The Iranian people were forced to take a defensive position.”
By Iranian people, Khamenei means nothing but the inhumane Mullahs regime. The fact, however, is that the ‘80s is the decade when 30,000 political prisoners were massacred, and the decade when pregnant women, 13-year-old girls, and 70-year-old mothers were executed.
Following Khamenei’s speech, a bunch of his flunkies, Friday Prayer Imams, media, and public broadcasting repeated his same fearful confessions in various programs, launching a wave of attack and false accusations against MEK, particularly in different state TV programs, a move which was even further escalated a few days later following Khameeni’s fire-at-will order.
One day after Khamenei’s speech, state-run Ofogh TV channel aired a program about Khamenei’s recommendation not to mistake executioner for martyr as well as his MEK remarks, a program that in addition to the usual nonsense and distortions also included some significant acknowledgements.
Below comes a part of the interview conducted during the program:
Regime’s Ofogh TV Channel, June 5, 2017:
TV anchor: let me first tell you one of my memories. During the 2009 events (2009 uprising), I was sitting in university’s instructors office, when an excited young man opened the door and came sat next to me. He firmly grabbed my hand and said ‘we’re not going to get back home from the streets’. I asked him ‘what happened anyway?’ He said ‘don’t you ever think we took to the streets for Mir-Hossein Mousavi or the election. My parents are MEK members and my uncle was also a member and was punished. And now we have nothing to lose. We will stay and reach our goals’. And he was just a young man who had not seen the ‘80s as he was born in ‘90s.
Kushki: unfortunately, these people are some of those who put executioner in place of martyr. They’ve raised the doubt from ten years ago that MEK never wanted to enter an armed phase, but the Islamic republic mistreated them so much that they were forced to turn to armed operations so they could defend themselves. So, they were not guilty at all.
“The interesting point is”, says regime’s hireling, “that the very same people who say such things used to issue the most execution sentences once they held positions in regime’s judiciary during the ‘80s, something they should be thanked for. But why those who did such things in the past are suddenly changing their looks now and claim that the Islamic republic ill-treated the MEK.”
“Actually, MEK says that the revolution was theirs but the Mullahs stole it”, he added.
TV anchor: let’s now turn to tonight’s topic, namely the MEK and the supreme leader’s special remark yesterday that let’s not mistake executioner for martyr.
Kushki: look, if we wanted to act based on a jurisprudence basis, any member of the MEK following the organization’s turning to armed operations was considered as someone who had declared war against the regime, even if they had not committed murder.
He then points to Khomeini’s order, saying “according to Khomeini’s order, anyone, including MEK members and supporters, who still stood his ground had to be executed.”
The point is all those who were pro-MEK, even if they did nothing against the regime, were considered as convicts and thus had to be executed as they were still supporting the organization.
Following ISIS’s terrorist attack in Tehran, regime tried to take advantage of it to deal with MEK and justice seeking movement.
Efforts to portray MEK and political prisoners massacred during the ‘80s as executioners were significantly increased in Friday prayer events and regime’s media following Tehran’s attacks.
A newspaper linked to Khamenei’s band points in this regard to remarks Rouhani made during his election campaign accusing his rival band of being responsible for 38 years of execution and imprisonment, saying “it was during Rouhani’s campaign stop in Hamedan when he decided to sharpen the atmosphere, using a literature that soon turned into the headlines of (MEK’s) media.”
Ahmad Mir-Emadi in Khoramabad’s Friday Prayer show: “Today, we must not allow MEK to enter our country… but now after 30 years some are seeking to purify MEK.“ (State-run Morour News website, June 9, 2017)
While acknowledging the massacre of MEK members in 1988, Assadollah Imani said in Shiraz Friday prayer show “if MEK had not been repressed in 1988, you were faced with such plights everyday over the past 20 years. Khomeini knew well how to deal with MEK.” (Same source)
Seyed Mohammadali Mousavi Jazayeri in Ahwaz Friday prayer show “I wonder what they were expecting, asking for release of MEK prisoners. (State-run Tasnim news agency, June 9, 2017)
In Damavand, the city’s Friday prayer Imam ‘Kazem Fattah-Damavandi’ acknowledged MEK members’ endurance against regime’s brutality, saying “during the ‘80s, MEK clearly declared war against the regime and the country was in turmoil. Should such enemies, who knowingly and intentionally were waging war against the regime, not have been killed? (Same source)
In Karaj, Hosseini Hamedani, while expressing fear of MEK activities, said “enemy’s infantry and cavalry forces are seeking to weaken the vilayat-e-faqih and constitution.”(State-run Sepidar Online website, June 9, 2017)
In Mashhad, the city’s Friday Prayer Imam ‘Alamolhoda’ attacked Rouhani for increased popularity of MEK and the movement seeking justice for victims of 1988 massacre, saying “today, we are faced with such a problem. To gain power and push away their rivals, they defend (MEK) so much that the supreme leader is forced to shout not to mistake executioner for martyr. Those claiming to run the regime are actually defending MEK.”
Judiciary’s Mizan news agency: to slander the regime and destroy its reputation, some go as far to refer to the ‘80s events and execution of MEK members. They didn’t even hesitate to put executioner in place of martyr.” the news agency then says that “the distortion first started in August 2016, when the audio file belonging to Hassanali Montazeri was released.”
“The audio file was released right when counter-revolutionary elements and media had prepared their same old programs against the Iranian regime to mark the anniversary of execution of MEK members. Besides, MEK was holding a gathering in Paris at the time”, the news agency says.
The news agency linked to Khamenei’s judiciary also pointed to Ayatollah Montazeri’s opposing Khomeini’s ordering the executions, saying “Montazeri’s unwisely defending (MEK) led to his confrontation and correspondence with Khomeini.”
The above mentioned facts are a handful of a whole sack of the weight, popularity and the effect of MEK in today’s Iran. As Mrs. Rajavi the president elect of the National Council of Resistance of Iran in her message to call for the formation of the movement to obtain justice for the victims of 1988 massacre stated:
The publication of an audio recording of Mr. (Hossein-Ali) Montazeri's meeting with four officials of the regime responsible for the 1988 massacre has sent shock waves throughout the regime.
This is a very important document attesting to several basic realities: First, the audio clip contains explicit confessions by those responsible for the massacre regarding their participation in an ongoing genocide. It shows that Khomeini and his entourage contravened even their own procedures and routines and were directly involved in the massacre. It also indicates that the religious tyranny solidified the foundations of the next repugnant Velayat-e Faqih (absolute clerical rule) as a result of this genocide.
The fact is that Khamenei's rise to power (as the next supreme leader) was not the outcome of Rafsanjani's recommendations to the Assembly of Experts or their meetings. The scheme was concocted during the massacre of political prisoners, which was orchestrated by the highest officials at the time, namely Ali Khamenei, Ali-Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani and Ahmad Khomeini.
Another point clearly made by Mr. Montazeri is that Khomeini had been deliberating about the massacre starting three or four years before it actually occurred and as his son repeatedly stated, he had decided to execute all “the Mojahedin, including those who read their newspaper, to those who read the magazines, and those who read flyers."
Therefore, those who over the past years have argued that the reason for the massacre was the Operation Eternal Light have indeed assisted the regime politically and have justified its crimes.
Khomeini feared the MEK’s deep roots in Iranian society and the movement's strength and determination. In a letter he wrote a few months later to Montazeri, Khomeini explained the reason for the latter’s ouster as heir to the supreme leader: "It has now become clear that after me, you will give up this country and the dear Islamic revolution of Iran's Muslim nation to liberals and through them to the (Mojahedin)."
Another reality is the dreadful and vast numbers of those massacred. The methods of the death commissions were so insane in various cities that in talking to Mr. Montazeri, the henchmen --who had thousands of people executed in Tehran-- claimed to be moderates who opposed such extremism. Nevertheless, a few months later, Khomeini adopted a policy of denial and total rejection of the truth. In a letter to Mr. Montazeri, he wrote that "the MEK took advantage of your words and writings to make a big deal out of 'a very limited number' of those executed and you can see what a priceless service you have done to the Arrogance."
Therefore, since the outset, the policy of denying or minimizing these crimes or attributing them to the MEK itself, was formulated by Khomeini personally.
Today, however, many of those deceits and lies have been foiled and the innocence of the MEK and the legitimacy of their resistance glow brighter than ever.
The regime's officials and spokesmen are concerned that "the country's youths have become skeptical." They say, "There are efforts to change the society's outlook on the Mojahedin," and "there is a suspicious current that deliberates on whitewashing the MEK and its deeds…" They also say, "The revival of the Mojahedin and portraying them as innocent is very dangerous."
Today, many regime officials and even those directly involved in the massacre try to pretend that they were not aware of the massacre. They try to avoid taking a stand on this issue. Some of them slander the MEK to evade the main question. And yet, there are some murderers who defend the massacre more brashly than ever.
All of them, however, believe that the public's widespread reaction to the recent publication of the audio recording is tantamount to the end of their regime.
The time has come to launch a movement to obtain justice over the massacre of political prisoners in Iran and to expand it everywhere and by any means possible.
The litigation movement must, as a first step, seek to indict the mullahs' supreme leader Ali Khamenei.
Khamenei and his accomplices are criminals because they are the highest officials directly responsible for the 1988 massacre of political prisoners.
They are criminals because they concealed information and documents about this carnage.
Khamenei and his accomplices are criminals because they have repressed the families of the victims of the massacre for the past 28 years.
They are criminals because they have constantly backed the perpetrators and those directly responsible for the massacre and have appointed them to senior political and judicial positions.
The movement to obtain justice for the victims of the 1988 massacre must hold the Velayat-e Faqih regime accountable for the secrets it has concealed on this horrendous crime.
The regime's leaders must release the complete list of those massacred.
They must declare how many they executed in every city and every province.
They must announce where the victims are buried and where the mass graves are located.
It is the most basic right of every bereaved mother to know where her child is buried.
Yes, it must be clarified what was the account of those who were arrested simultaneous with the massacre and executed at once?
What are the stories of Ahwaz Prison and Dastjerd Prison in Isfahan? What are the catastrophic stories of the prisons of Shiraz, Mashhad and Tabriz?
What is the story of mass executions of those arrested in western Iran allegedly for supporting the National Liberation Army and executed shortly afterwards?
What is the story of those who wanted to join the MEK in cities as acknowledged in a recent interview by Moussavi Tabrizi, Khomeini's criminal Solicitor General?
The movement to obtain justice is also a campaign to expose the identities of each and every one of those who made the decisions and who carried out the executions.
Who were the death commission members in the provincial capitals?
What unfolded during the meeting of the three heads of the regime’s branches where they decided to massacre non-MEK prisoners?
What were the decisions of the State Exigency Council which on Khomeini's order took charge of determining the fate of prisoners on September 27, 1988? And how many more prisoners were hanged?
And finally, the movement to obtain justice is a relentless campaign by our compatriots and all supporters of the Iranian Resistance for the international prosecution of Khamenei and other regime leaders for committing genocide and crimes against humanity.
The United Nations and the UN Security Council must adopt political and legal arrangements for the international prosecution of leaders of this regime on the charge of committing crimes against humanity.
A formal international condemnation of the 1988 massacre is a necessary step towards ending all mass executions in Iran, an episode of which was recently repeated in the concurrent execution of 25 Sunni prisoners.
Yes, we need to plead for justice for the victims of massacre, for the pain and suffering of bereaved mothers and fathers, and for the enormous human and moral toll inflicted by this regime on our nation.
The movement to obtain justice demands the names of the victims, the locations of their graves, the identities of murderers, and the prosecution of the regime's leaders. This is a movement that targets the pillars of the Velayat-e Faqih's tyranny and oppression.
We call on all advocates of human rights around the world and everyone who respects human rights to join the people of Iran in their demand for the prosecution of the Iranian regime's leaders.
This demand is, of course, coupled with the call for the freedom of our enchained Iran. On that day, our massacred heroes and all other martyrs will once again rise to revive the entire country in the life-giving breeze of freedom.