While he is now for many years the vice president of Iran, Jahangiri did not explain who really these looters are.

But are the confessions constantly made during the infightings on the eve of the parliamentary elections to end corruption and fraud in the corrupt mullahs’ regime? Or, each time the firefight of the mafia factions escalates, are they exposing the frauds of each other?

Jahangiri as a government broker at the highest levels during these years said at various stages:

“They tossed the economy into a pit, which is a very difficult job if you want to get out of this pit and move on.”

But what he did not say is who threw the country’s economy into the pit.

And elsewhere, he said, “social damage has reached a dangerous stage … 11 million suburbs around the country’s cities have created serious dangers.” (Government Information Website – 19 September 2017)

As usual, he did not say who caused the oppressed people of Iran such damage that has now reached such a dangerous stage.

And elsewhere he said: “$30 million is lost! … A group decided to bring money from one of the foreign countries during the sanctions. They handed over to the $130 million and… when they returned to Iran, they handed over $100 million to the central bank. When it comes to asking what happened to the $30 million, they say we don’t know what it is missing,” (Eghtesad Online, 23 August 2016)

And here too he is not saying who lost and stole those $30 million, but in this speech, he still cites examples like this: “A young man behind the curtain deals got $2.7 billion, part of that in oil and part of it in money… ”(same source)

Jahangiri, like in other speeches, just revealed a part of the story. He does not say what happened to the $2 billion while a young and unemployed man just because of the need for bread and a small and inevitable robbery, gets his hand chopped off.

It does not say who stole $2.7 billion, equivalent to hundreds of chain stores, belongs to which branch of Khamenei’s supported mafia gangs. With what band of looters in the government did it come about, and how can a person of this age take such a wealth of oil and other national resources?

And surprisingly Iran’s Vice President ends his words with, “Not to hurt the people’s mind, we will not speak about many things.” (State-run website Namank, 24 August 2016)

Perhaps he meant not to offend the opposing factions’ mind, which could, in turn, lead to the disclosure of large-scale government robberies.

By a counteract Kayhan daily revealed only a handful of activities of Jahangiri’s brother, Mehdi Jahangiri, who was arrested for corruption and wrote:

“Mehdi Jahangiri, head of tourism finance and vice president of the Tehran Chamber of Commerce, brother of the vice president, founder of Tourism Bank, director of the Iranian Cultural Heritage and Tourism Investment Company, which could establish six major satellite companies in a small-time.”

“Chairman of the Board of Directors of Bonab Steel Industry Complex, Member of the Board of Directors of Handball Federation, Chairman of the Board of Directors of Negin Tourism Company, Chairman of the Board of Directors of Mahan Industries and Mines Holding Company, etc.” (Kayhan, 6 October 2017)

These are just the snippets of the crime and plunder of looting factions that were revealed very limited before the election, and during the fight for power in the government much more is revealed:

For example, the state-run media Rouydad 24 in the preface to a documentary entitled “Incredible Documents About Khalibaf’s Wife Charity” wrote: “While Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf is registered for the Eleventh Parliamentary Elections and the Guardian Council believes he has no contamination on his financial records, documents currently under investigation in the Tehran municipality show that one of the things that have not been determined yet is how some lands were donated to Zahra Moshir Estekhareh, Ghalibaf’s wife.”

In the report of Rouydad 24, read the correspondence documents of the Tehran Municipality’s Department of Finance and Urban Economy with Tehran’s Municipality security report show the bizarre way of handing over land and paying 250 billion tomans without documents.”

The government responded to the deceit of Qalibaf, who claimed to be building a public hospital and his wife was a member of the hospital’s board while introducing the board of trustees who were her accomplices in this project and wrote:

“In 2011, only 5% of the property price was paid in advance to the municipality and the other 5% was paid in cash and the rest will be paid in installments. Such a contract was completely one-sided and in the other party’s favor, and most importantly the sale of the property was essentially unrelated to the organization of the partnership and this action had to be done through the real estate agency … If you think the wonders of this contract will end with the non-payment of the land price, you are seriously mistaken;

“In a formal letter to the Department of Finance and Urban Economics, the official statement claims that property prices were inaccurate from the outset and that the property was sold at one-fifth of the price.” (Rouydad, 9 February 2020)

Of course, corruption in the mullahs’ system is not confined to one or more factions and individuals but is deeply rooted and systematically institutionalized from the highest point in the current state to encompass all the dependent organs.

Mustafa Mirsalim, a member of the Expediency Council’s Supervisory Board, while admitting that “in some provinces, they give money to the people to vote”, he explicitly said, “We are witnessing strategic corruption, which is the root of much other corruption.” (state-run media Mostaqel, 9 February 2020)