From Qezel Hesar Prison, Ali Younesi condemns attempts by monarchist circles to exploit the sacrifices of political prisoners, insisting that the struggle for freedom rejects both religious and monarchical dictatorship.

At a time when Iran’s ruling clerical dictatorship is facing growing public anger and mounting internal crises, political prisoner Ali Younesi has issued a powerful statement from Qezel Hesar Prison rejecting what he describes as attempts by monarchist circles associated with Reza Pahlavi to exploit his words and the sacrifices of political prisoners for their own political agenda.

Younesi’s statement comes after supporters of the slogan “Death to Three Corrupt Figures” attempted to portray his previous positions as aligned with their campaign. His response leaves little room for ambiguity. Far from embracing monarchist narratives, he drew a sharp distinction between those fighting for democracy and those seeking to rehabilitate the legacy of the Shah.

Mocking these attempts, Younesi wrote:

“In recent days, I and my statement have been supported by some of the creators and users of the slogan ‘Death to Three Corrupt Figures.’ It seems that after receiving the Supreme Leader’s pardon, I have now also become the recipient of a royal pardon!”

Rejecting Attempts to Rewrite History

Younesi stressed that his political identity is rooted in the sacrifices of freedom fighters who paid with their lives in the struggle against dictatorship. He pointed to six executed fellow prisoners as the moral compass guiding his political convictions.

“As a small supporter of the PMOI, I have role models: my six proud fellow prisoners who were sent to the gallows.”

He argued that the blood of those who were executed by the regime leaves no room for compromise with tyranny in any form.

“If the blood of these six individuals and other freedom fighters leaves no room for forgiveness between us and the Mullahs, then the blood of Hanif and his companions—whose banner these six carried—also leaves no room for standing together with the Shah and his SAVAK.”

His reference to the founders and martyrs of the Iranian Resistance directly challenges efforts by monarchist groups to claim common cause with a movement that was itself brutally persecuted under the Shah’s rule.

The Shah’s Legacy and the Rise of the Clerical Regime

One of the most striking sections of Younesi’s statement focuses on the historical responsibility of the monarchy in creating the conditions that enabled the clerical dictatorship to seize power.

He writes:

“The Shah paved the way for this regime to come to power through the massacre of freedom fighters.”

This assertion directly contradicts attempts by monarchist supporters to portray the Pahlavi era as a democratic alternative to the current regime. For Younesi, the suppression of democratic forces by the Shah’s security apparatus helped eliminate the very movements that could have prevented the rise of religious dictatorship.

Accusing Monarchists of Political Opportunism

Younesi reserves some of his sharpest criticism for those he believes are attempting to exploit the suffering of the Iranian people and the sacrifices of protesters for political gain.

In a passage that directly targets monarchist ambitions, he writes:

“Today the remnants of the Shah, through the slogan ‘Death to Three Corrupt Figures,’ are calling on the Mullah to repay their favor and pave their road to power through executions, so that they can ride the wave of the January uprising’s blood and beg foreign countries for power in order to sit once again on the throne.”

The accusation reflects a broader criticism frequently raised by democratic activists who argue that certain monarchist factions seek to capitalize on unrest and international pressure while presenting themselves as the sole alternative to the regime.

A Bloody Border Between Dictatorship and Freedom

At the heart of Younesi’s statement is his insistence that there can be no confusion between those fighting for democracy and those seeking to restore another form of authoritarian rule.

He declares:

“But never! Between us and them there is a border—a bloody border; the border between dictatorship and freedom. Let these borders never be blurred.”

These words represent one of the clearest rejections by a political prisoner of efforts to merge democratic opposition with monarchist restoration projects. For Younesi, the struggle is not simply against one dictator but against the very principle of dictatorship itself.

Neither Shah Nor Mullah

Younesi concludes by reaffirming his commitment to the Iranian people and to the vision of a democratic republic.

“I stand on this side of the border, alongside the people and for the people, with the slogan: ‘Death to the oppressor, whether Shah or Supreme Leader.’”

He further declares:

“This steadfastness will not stop until freedom, democracy, and the establishment of a democratic republic are achieved.”

His message from Qezel Hesar Prison serves as a powerful reminder that many of Iran’s political prisoners reject both the ruling theocracy and any attempt to revive the monarchy. Their demand is neither a return to the crown nor submission to the turban, but the creation of a democratic republic founded on popular sovereignty, political pluralism, and the sacrifices of generations of freedom fighters.

As debates over Iran’s future intensify, Younesi’s statement draws an unmistakable line: the struggle for freedom belongs to the people of Iran, not to those seeking to reclaim power through nostalgia, historical revisionism, or the exploitation of the sacrifices made by political prisoners and fallen protesters.